Since the presidential elections in December 2010 the Belarusian authorities have harshly repressed human rights defenders and their organisations, lawyers, journalists, and any person who shows concern about the human rights situation in Belarus. Many people have been detained, mistreated, and summarily sentenced.

There are currently 22 political prisoners, including three presidential candidates, serving different terms as a result of their participation in a demonstration to protest the falsification during the election process on 19 December 2010.

Ales Bialiatski’s arrest is a new step to repress civil society and legitimate human rights activities in Belarus.

Joint statement to the UN Human Rights Council

There is a fear that even more focus will be put on combating civil society and independent media now, groups that are considered to be traitors by the regime. This weekend, seven human rights defenders were detained right before the beginning of a seminar on detention conditions at the Belarusian Popular Front office in Minsk.

Human rights organisations have recently been presented in a negative manner on Belarusian state TV, as part of what seems to be a campaign to smear them.

The situation concerning human rights is continuously deteriorating and remains problematic six months after the presidential election on December 19th 2010. Freedom of speech continues to be restricted by pressure on independent domestic media and by harassment of foreign media.

At the same time, Belarus is facing a deepening economic crisis. The prices for fuel and other goods have increased drastically and the Belarusian rouble has devaluated. The economic situation of the citizens is worsening. The question is if the Belarusian economy can be saved even without the introduction of economic sanctions.

The option available for President Lukashenko is to privatise and sell Belarusian state companies in order to obtain funds. However, this solution is short-term and will most probably be disadvantageous for Belarus as their negotiation position is weak, to say the least.

The future in Belarus is uncertain. It is however certain that hard times await human rights organisations, independent media and also ordinary citizens.

We monitor the situation in Belarus and publish information about the situation here on our webpage:

News about Belarus

Latest reports on Belarus:
New report on the violence against journalists in Belarus
Media coverage for presidential candidates restricted in Belarus
NGO:s call for more transparent EU-Belarus dialogue
Repressive measures remain in Belarus

Read: NGO call for a UN Human Rights Council resolution on the situation of human rights in Belarus

During the night on the 19th of December, 2010, the law enforcement officials injured 17 journalists by using excessive force. Several of the journalists state that they had been beaten with batons. Among those were Anton Kharchenko and Viktor Filyaev, reporting for the TV-channel ”Russia Today”, who received multiple hits in their faces.

The law enforcement officials also used other types of violence. The journalist Olga Hvoin was reporting from the Independence square when a police officer took a stranglehold round her throat and then pushed onto the roadway. The AP-journalist Yuri Karmanov tried to shield himself by showing his press card, officially accredited by the Belarusian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but nevertheless he was physically assaulted.

The information compiled by the International Observing Mission is mainly retrieved from the independent organisation “Belarusian Association of Journalists” (BAJ).

As a member of the OSCE (Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe) and the UN, Belarus is obliged to ensure that journalists can work without restrictions. The journalists’ right to cover events should be protected by the law-enforcement authorities, regardless of the events legal status.

On the 19th of December 23 journalists were arrested and detained. Six journalists face criminal charges of having organised or participated in mass riots – Article 293 of the Belarusian Criminal Code.

The Belarusian law also states that it is a crime to obstruct a journalist from doing his job. This, however, did not prevent that several reporters had their equipment confiscated or destroyed.

This warning is only one of a series of harassments against Viasna. Earlier this year, on the 17th of January, the Committee for State Security, KGB, searched the Human Rights Centre Viasna for the third time in just one month. Ales Bialiatski was taken by the KGB but released the same day.

The Belarusian regime continues to harass human rights organisations and activists, journalists and people in opposition. After the election, on the 19th of December 2010, the security services KGB and the police have continuously directed raids towards persons critical to the regime in an effort to silence them.

The foreign ministers in the European Union have decided on sanctions against the Belarusian leadership. A few days before the sanctions were announced several dissidents, who have been detained since the presidential elections in December, were released. The release is part of Alexander Lukashenka’s usual power game in which human rights are a commodity – used to extend the Belarusian dictatorial regime’s survival. The EU and Sweden must constantly bear that in mind if they are to be able to contribute to the reform of Belarus towards democracy.

Lukashenka’s policy is in many respects so implausible that it should not work. Yet he continues to defy both the international community and the economic playing field that long ago should have put a stop to his rampage. His political intrigues provide him air under his wings, enough to be able to maneuver between Russia and the EU’s political and economic pressure.

Civil Rights Defenders has since the 1990s defended people’s rights and empowered exposed human rights defenders in Belarus. What I witnessed in Minsk during the night of the presidential election on the 19th of December 2010 was by far the most brutal intervention so far by the Belarusian authorities. Peaceful demonstrators were ruthlessly beaten by heavily armed security forces. Several hundred people were arrested, including seven of the nine opposition candidates. People sat locked up in the KGB cells, for weeks, without access to neither doctors nor lawyers.
The violent attack came without warning. Prior to the Election Day Lukashenka’s relations with the EU and Russia had improved. In addition Lukashenka had, as usual, full control over the election process and everyone expected him to be reelected. It was only a matter of how many percent of the votes he would choose to win with. During the weekend of the election the atmosphere was very calm. Yet he felt compelled to demonstrate his power by knocking down those who ventured out to demand their rights.

Lukashenka’s actions must reasonably partly derive from fear. He must sense the limitations of the policy he leads, not the least financially. He should be frightened by the powers that despite a decade of repression venture onto the streets to show their displeasure. But he is also aware of the fact that what it is now held to his disadvantage may soon turn to his advantage. By taking small steps to give back what he has seized he creates a bargaining space that he shrewdly manages.

On the 31st of January, the EU and U.S.A decided to impose travel restrictions and financial sanctions against the Belarusian leadership. A few days before the decision was announced seven of the most well-known regime critics, among them the presidential candidate Vladimir Nyaklyaeu and the journalist Irina Chalip, were released. They are, however, under house arrest and they are still under prosecution and risk long prison terms. That they were released from the KGB prison should be seen as the start of the new round of political games that are currently being initiated by Lukashenka, once more with people’s rights at stake.

The Belarusian dictatorship dictatorial regime’s improbable journey goes on with an increasingly heavy baggage and it will inexorably come to its end. But we should not underestimate the power of a being who, against all odds, has managed to stay above ground this far. If it is going to land in democratic reforms, Sweden and the EU must keep the pressure on Lukashenka and his closest advisors and not bargain with him about something that does not belong to him – the rights of his citizens.

Robert Hårdh
Executive Director Civil Rights Defenders

– The Belarusian regime is trying to break the civil society and silence critical voices. The harassment of human rights organisations and activists has continued without interruption since the election. The incident on Monday was just the last one in a row of different harassments, said Marie Månson, Civil Rights Defenders Programme Director.

The first time Viasna’s office was searched was on the night of the election. A second search was conducted the day after. During the second search, ten of Viasna’s members were in the office working on a countrywide analysis of material collected by 600 election monitors on Election Day. The ten members were temporarily arrested and all computers and documents were seized.

According to the independent Belarusian news agency, BelaPAN, Ales Bialiatski’s apartment and country house were also searched on Monday the 17th. Ales Bialiatski states to Civil Rights Defenders that he is well and that he has not been mistreated in any way.

We, representatives of civil society organizations and citizens of participating states of the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE):

•    Expressing our concern over credible reports of serious and widespread violations of human rights and civil liberties in Belarus after the presidential elections on December 19, 2010;

•    Taking special note of the gross violations of the prohibition on inhuman treatment and torture during arrest and while being held in custody; violations of the right to due process and fair trial during investigation and court proceedings; intimidation during searches and interrogation, as well as at work and school; pressure on journalists and lawyers, as well as family members of the detained; and the confiscation of computers to paralyze the activities of nongovernmental organizations, human rights defenders and civil society activists;

•    Noting that many of these violations have been directly aimed at the creation of hindrances to the activities of civil society institutions in breach of the fundamental rights to freedom of expression and freedom of association;

•    Sincerely wishing to stop the persecution of civil society organizations and activists and to restore civilized dialogue between the authorities and civil society of Belarus;

•    Underscoring that at the OSCE summit in Astana on December 1-2, 2010,Belarus, along with all other OSCE participating states, reaffirmed “categorically and irrevocably that the commitments undertaken in the field of the human dimension are matters of direct and legitimate concern to all participating States and do not belong exclusively to the internal affairs of the State concerned”;

appeal to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe participating states to:

1.    Immediately condemn the serious and widespread human rights violations in Belarus that have followed the presidential elections of December 19, 2010, and urge the authorities of Belarus to observe its OSCE human dimension commitments;

2.    Urgently undertake action in response to the human rights crisis in Belarus and display a determined and persistent stance in their relationship with the authorities of Belarus;

3.    Immediately begin the procedure to initiate the “Moscow Mechanism” in light of the particularly serious threat to the fulfillment of the provisions of the OSCE human dimension by the authorities of Belarus.

Organisations that have signed the appeal

To sign the appeal, please send a mail to: moscow-mechanism-for-belarus@googlegroups.com

Pavel Viltouski and Zmitser Hvedaruk are Belarus activists who were arrested during the demonstrations against the electoral theft in Belarus. They were sentenced to 10 days imprisonment in the absence of lawyers, witnesses, without even testimonies of the policemen. They were released a day later as the authorities do not have enough room in prison to put up more than 600 persons incarcerated in Minsk. At release from prison, they signed a written undertaking that they would not leave the country and would serve the outstanding 9 days of sentence as soon as there are empty cells. Their only sin is protesting against the electoral fraud when the authorities went so far as failing to count the votes at certain polls (regardless of the observers’ presence).

Pavel i Zmitser fared relatively well. As opposed to them, Varvara Krasutskaya is an LGBT activist who also on the streets that night. Just like hundreds of others, she too was beaten in the street. Thanks to the cameras on almost every mobile phone and the available technology, there are many recordings on the YouTube showing the brutality of the Belarusian police. Varvara has suffered a brain injury and is in the critical state in one of the Minsk hospitals.

The destiny of the presidential candidate who won most votes of all the opposition candidates is worse than Varvara’s. His name is Uladzimir Nyaklyayeu, and he was brutally beaten during the demostrations. The scenes showing his unconscious body taken into an ambulance have spread around the world despite the ban imposed on foreign correspondents to send reports of the events that night. His wife was in the hospital with him. At one moment, seven men dressed as civilians (in Belarus the members of the secret police – KGB – and other „special forces members“ are dressed as civilians most often), broke into the hospital room, abducted him and took him to an unknown destination. Judging by the previous experience in this country, one may conclude that he has been taken to one of the many KGB prisons. The representatives of KGB have never confirmed nor denied that he is there. The only one „authorized“ to speak is Lukashenko himself, who only told a press conference that Nyaklyaye was „in detention“. In the course of the day, his wife has tried to send him a parcel with personal belongings, and her lawyer requested to speak to him. The parcel and the request of the lawyer to speak with the detained were turned down.

As for the proceedings against more than 600 persons arrested, the human rights organizations say that they have lasted a couple of minutes on the average and that only police reports were read at them. There were no lawyers, witnesses nor policemen acting as witnesses present. In general, women were sentenced to some 10 days imprisonment, and the men 12 to 15 most often. However, a group of 19 persons faces much more serious charges for massive unrest (Art. 293 of the Penal Code of Belarus). Of the 19 persons charged, 7 are opposition presidential candidates (there were 9 opposition leaders in all), several members of their electoral committees, journalists and activists. According to the estimates of agencies, there were some 40,000 people on the streets that night, and the only questionable (violent) event was the break into the government building.

The epilogue is not yet in sight, but certain elements are to be discerned. First, OSCE, the USA and the EU have not recognized the electoral results but condemned violence and requested release of the persons imprisoned. Second, Russia, that Lukashenko is not in good relations with (some of the presidential candidates are playing that card) kept silent at first, only to recognize the results of the election quite half-heartedly later. Although public opinion polls showed for the first time that Lukashenko was not supported by more than 50% of the voters, the Central Electoral Commission (fully controlled by the authorities just like everything else) announced Lukashenko won over 80% of the votes. The activist of one of the organizations who monitored the elections described to me how at the poll no. 68 in Minsk he and the other 3 observers saw only the materials filed, results recorded with no counting whatsoever.

That night, as soon as the information on the police violence against the demonstrators seeped into the world, the raids into almost all relevant human rights organizations ensued. The activists were arrested, beatings and arrests of a large number of journalists took place throughout the night. Lukashenko sent a message that parties (and NGOs evidently) would be banned if it turns out they had anything to do with the demonstrations. In addition, he announced „reform“ of the Internet, in order to prevent „throwing dirt“ at the authorities. This will not be difficult to implement in view of the fact that the entire Internet traffic to the world (despite the existence of several providers) is chanelled through one – state – company. It sounds like the situation in Serbia prior to the downfall of Miloševi?. The situation of the classical media is even worse since their „strangulation“ by absurd accusations and court proceedings is almost daily, and that distribution is all but impossible for both of the possible venues are fully controlled by the state (subscription and news stands).

Where was Serbia?

Justifying its decision not to send its representative to the ceremony of award of the Nobel Peace Prize, the Minister Vuk Jeremi? said that „human rights are one of the greatest values we uphold on our road to the EU“, but also that Serbia „pays attention to human rights protection and that its contribution is seen in its policy“.

There were people who said that China is a great power so Serbia could not refuse the request not to attend the Nobel Peace Prize ceremonial award to the Chinese dissident. In the case of Belarus, Serbia kept silent, although Belarus is no power at all. It is the „last European dictatorship“ as often rightfully described by many analysts. Had Serbia truly cared about human rights it could have issued a press release demanding that the destiny of the beaten and abducted presidential candidate Uladzimir Nyaklyayeu be revealed. This is what the President of the European Parliament did that same night, and our Minister of Foreign Affairs could have done also. He could have expressed concern for violation of the basic civil (police torture, fair and just trial, freedom of information) and political rights (fair and free elections). The politics of silence of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs can only mean that they agree with what the Belarusn authorities are doing. Again, almost all the ministries of foreign affairs of EU Member States reacted, while Serbia is acting as though a member of the Alliance of Russia and Belarus and not the state whose bureaucracy is responding to the EU membership questionnaire at this very moment.

Serbia has not uttered a single word due to the violation of basic human rights in Belarus. Why? Because for a long time now we are being lied to that Serbia cares about human rights.

Written by: Goran Mieltic, Programme Officer, Civil Rights Defenders
Translated by: Mirjana Ivanovic

The continued pressure from authorities during the holidays was expected. It was no coincidence that the election took place shortly before Christmas.

- When the date for the election was made public, it was clear that the date was chosen carefully. The regime counted on Christmas holidays to remove international focus from Belarus, which also turned out to be the case. It is important to continue to monitor and report on the developments in the country as well as react to the negative developments, says Joanna Kurosz, Programme Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia.